Six-County Crisis: Causes and Cure              [May 1969]

[Editor’s Note: This article by Desmond Greaves was carried in the May 1969 issue of the “Irish Democrat”. It analyses the Northern Ireland situation following Bernadette Devlin’s election to the House of Commons in a Northern Irelaqnd by-election in April and Terence O’Neill’s resignation as Prime Minister in the same month following a series of bomb explosions on Belfast’s water supply by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) that brought his personal political crisis to a head.]  

What an extraordinary spectacle it is in the Six Counties. The Unionist Party, fossilised by fifty years of office guaranteed by the gerrymander of a British Act of Parliament, is now reeling from crisis to crisis. Foolish Craig, frantic Paisley, effete O’Neill, are all cast in the role of Marie Antoinette.  They have not the faintest understanding of the revolution that has engulfed them.

They can be left to their confusion and may it grow more confounded. The followers of James Connolly cannot afford to remain in the dark. This article is an expansion of the brief statement on the front page of this issue [The front-page headline of the issue was: “This must lead to a united Ireland: Partition system breaking up…Opportunities and dangers”] Its object is to provide an intelligent Irishman’s guide to the present crisis.

It is obvious that Unionism cannot continue to rule in the old way. We must ask the question why. 

The fundamental difference between the position now and the position ten years ago is that Unionism cannot now depend on the British Government to back up its persecution of the Catholics and its general measures of discrimination and repression.

It is important to understand why it cannot. There are two basic reasons. The first relates to the present trend of British foreign policy. The second relates to the frame of mind of the Labour movement.

The new trend of British foreign policy began when the Tories decided to try and get into the Common Market [i.e. in 1961 when Harold Macillan’s Conservative Government first applied for EEC membership]. It was then the House of Lords discussed how to get control of Irish harbours for oil terminals and for military purposes. Control of the 26-Counties, direct or indirect, would be very important if Britain were in the Common Market. Otherwise, on the economic front, there would be nothing to stop France or Germany building up Ireland as a rival to Britain. On the military front, since the aim of the Common Market is integration against Russia, the British would like to control Irish bases rather than any of her rivals within the EEC.

The new policy was worked out. Their lordships were equal to the task. They must make friends with the ruling classes of the Republic. They must pour investments into it and buy everything up they could lay their hands on. They must tie its hands with trade agreements and in every other possible way.

 But what about the old grievance of Partition? While they saw no reason for disturbing their friends the Unionists, they had to give the Fianna Fail men something to wave in front of their people. That is why the remains of Casement were sent home with fanfares and panegyrics [This step was  taken by Harold Wilson’s Labour Government in February 1965]. That is why the Orange and Green talks were started, and the propaganda of anti-national brainwashing begun through every institution in Ireland amenable to British influence – against the language, for the acceptance of Partition, for the rewriting of Irish history books to cut out the truth about the crimes of British imperialism.

Unfortunately, some of the Nationalist leaders in the North toyed with this. Falling into the trap seems to have cost Eddie McAteer his political career. For the Nationalists separated themselves from their mass support.

The first to grasp the significance of the new British policy were the Connolly Association. Those who doubt this can run through the files of the “Irish Democrat”.

An important conclusion was drawn. It was this: whereas in the past British Government had brushed contemptuously aside demands for reforming the undemocratic structure of the Six Counties, now, provided there was enough pressure, they would prefer to injure their Unionist satraps rather than to imperil the long-term strategy of British imperialism.

That was why the Association started the campaign for the restoration of democracy in the Six Counties. This was well before the CDU [ie. the Labour Party-based Campaign for Democracy in Ulster, established in 1965]. The CDU arose as a result of the early success of the Association in winning support for its policy in the Labour movement. And it is very good indeed that it did arise, and good work it has done. It was long before any other Irish organisation in Britain was pushing this policy. And, let it be repeated, it arose from an understanding of the new objectives of British imperialism.

The Association also drew the conclusion that out of a struggle based on the fight to restore democracy in the North, the way could be opened to an Ireland both united and independent.

The Association therefore pressed this matter. It pressed it in England. Nearly ten years ago, members of the Association marched three times across the traffic-jammed roads of England, from London to Birmingham, from Liverpool to Nottingham, and from Liverpool via Manchester and Birmingham to London. 

These were the very first civil rights marches. Those taking part in them were not met by insults and brickbats. They met indifference, scepticism and ridicule – something often harder to bear than violence; harder to keep going after, anyway.

Gradually position after position was won. It was claimed that Britain had no power in the Six Counties. It was the Association’s campaign that forced the climb-down on that. The British Government had to acknowledge responsibility.

At Labour Party conferences, at the TUC, at union conferences, through the trade union branches, step by step the key men of the Labour movement were alerted. Gerard Fitt spoke on the Association’s platform in Trafalgar Square long before he entered Westminster.

The work that was being done in Britain started to encourage those in the Six Counties who previously had thought no help would come.

And the imperialist forces in Britain were unable to put up a really effective opposition because they were anxious to appear progressive as part of their wooing of the Republic.

The first civil rights conference in Belfast was called on the initiative of Mr William McCullough [i.e under the auspices of the Belfast Trades Council in 1965]. It is an open secret that he decided to take action after conversation with Joseph Deighan [leading Connolly Association member] who told him that he would now find plenty of backing in Britain. He was a very far-sighted man.

It was an amazing conference, called by the Belfast Trades Council. Most of those present were Protestants. But one old Catholic worker after another got up and, with tears in his eyes, thanked God he had lived to see the day when Catholics could tell their Protestant fellow-workers the truth about the oppression they suffered under.

That was where the Civil Rights Movement started, in the trade union movement. Mr McCullough did not live long enough to see the fruits of his courageous action. But Miss Elizabeth Sinclair, secretary of the Council, with the Council’s support, carried on the work and raised it to greater heights.

Catholic and Protestant were combining for liberty. And the great new factor in the background was the awakening support of the British working-class movement – not the mass of the British people, mind; they only learned after October 5th 1968; but the decisive forward-looking sections of the Labour movement.

At this point Unionism began to be afraid. The so-called “backlash” began – not the spontaneous reaction journalists try to make it out, but a well-planned calculated effort to manoeuvre the movement for democracy back into the ghetto. The man who undertook to head this enterprise was Ian Paisley.

It would be foolish to imagine that he had no success. He raised the old bogey, that the movement for civil liberties in the Six Counties was a “Papish plot” and a general prelude to the the slitting of Protestant throats.

He undoubtedly reinforced prejudices, even in the Trade Union movement. It came to the point where delegates to conferences in Britain connived at the ditching of resolutions passed by their own branches in Northern Ireland. It was short-sighted, but it happened.

An important result of the challenge of Paisleyism was to turn the Civil Rights Movement “militant”. It became necessary to go out on the streets. to defend the simple democratic right of free assembly. This made the fame of NICRA.

Its failure to put up an effective resistance to Paisleyism discredited the old Nationalist Party. At the recent election it was clear that the nationalist population outside Belfast had dismissed their old leaders. They had put in the new, the as yet untried, the experimental, not scorning even the youngest of the young [Bernadette Devlin was 21 when she was elected a Westminster MP in a by-election in April 1969, having previous stood in the election for the Stormont Parliament in February, but not succeeding]. The reason that Miss Devlin made such an impression in the House of Commons was that she must have been one of the first MPs since Keir Hardie to come straight from the mass movement. All Labour MPs are most carefully handpicked and vetted by Transport House. And Mr Fitt had already been at Stormont. She must have sounded like a breath of fresh air, a wind of change!

The consequences of the dismissal of the old Nationalist Party is that, as has often taken place in Irish history, the capitalist class among the nationalists is now without a party. The petit-bourgeoisie, the farmers, schoolteachers, students, small businessmen, are supreme. The workers who participate largely share their outlook and objections. The dismissal of the old leaders and the massive swing to the new is the measure of the determination of the people not to live in the old way.

The Civil Rights Movement has scored immense successes. But it is necessary to see what were the preconditions for it. These were, first, the new policy of British imperialism, second, the existence of a well-developed awareness in the British Labour movement.

In every case when the Unionist Government has climbed down it is the threat of British intervention that has brought about their action. That simple fact should be well pondered. It is the proof of the contention advanced in this article. It is of course not contended that they would have climbed down if there had been no movement.

 It has been said that the prerequisites for deep social change are that the rulers shall be unable to rule in the old way and the people shall be unwilling to be ruled in the old way.

One other thing should be added. The people who represent the forces of change must have a clear understanding of their objectives, and a knowledge of what is required at each stage. It was this that was the only weakness in Miss Devlin’s moving and eloquent speech in the House of Commons.

If there is mere protest, without clear demands as to what must be done at each stage of the struggle, then the other side will use the situation to secure its own objectives.

Thus after heroic struggle against the Black-and-Tans, the Irish People were defeated politically, because their plenipotentiaries, and possibly those who sent them, had not got their objectives clear.

It is quite conceivable that British imperialism will bring pressure to bear on O’Neill to grant concessions, but only to the point that is necessary in order to secure its own selfish purposes. One thing we must not allow is that all our years of work for democracy in the Six Counties should be utilised by British imperialism for the purpose of swindling the whole Irish nation.

First, the British Government should insist that the Paisleyite mobs shall be curbed, and if necessary their leaders prosecuted, and that elementary free speech and right of assembly be maintained pending legislation at Westminster. No British troops shall be made available to free RUC men for repressive measures against the people.

Second, a Bill of Rights for the Six Counties should be introduced into Westminster this session, if necessary taking the place of the trade union legislation to which there is so much opposition. This Bill of Rights should amend the Government of Ireland Act 1920 in the following particulars:

It should guarantee one-man-one-vote and no gerrymandering by British law. It should make religious discrimination by any means, legislative or administrative alike, illegal and unconstitutional. It should lay down restrictions on the use of police and on the type of legislation permissible in relation to public order. It should confer on the Six Counties the right to enter into relations with foreign countries, to co-ordinate trade, or if so desired merge with the Republic of Ireland.

It is preferable that this legislation be put through at Westminster. Modifying the Government of Ireland Act loosens the sheet-anchor of Partition. Constitutional reform is firmer and more permanent than just asking Terence O’Neill to be nice. If people say people in the Six Counties don’t like British intervention, tell them the Six Counties is just one huge British intervention, and call them humbugs until they want to secede from Britain. And if they want to secede, good for them if they’ve learned that much sense. If they did decide to secede, of course there would have to be consultation with Dublin.

A constitutional reform moreover would be binding on a future Conservative Government, as it would need legislation again at Westminster to restore Orange terror in the Six Counties. That would still further weaken the sheet-anchor of Partition.

Moreover, whereas telling O’Neill to do it himself would arouse fierce passions in the Six Counties, if it was done from the outside by Britain, all sides would have to put up with it, unless they wanted to leave the United Kingdom. And the legislation here contemplated would leave them free to join the Republic at any time. If they didn’t like it they could get out.

It would put these swashbuckling ranting Unionists right on the spot. They could decide if they wanted to be with Britain or not! And the result might well be a coalition of O’Neill Unionists and others to carry out the terms of the new Constitution.

What should be done to bring about these changes? The vitally important thing is that they should become the policy of the working-class movement and thus influence the Government. Agitation, organisation, demonstration, education, and above all unity, are the watchwords of the Irish in Britain.

But the supreme need is to get the British involved. It is not sufficient for the Irish in Britain to know what they want. British support must be won. It is possible because decent Englishmen are disgusted at what has been revealed in the Six Counties.

It is necessary because the victory of Paisleyism would be a tragedy for the British workers. Civil war might well wreck the Labour movement of Britain for a generation. It would deal the Labour Party a blow worse even than its Government’s anti-trade-union legislation.

 On the other hand the defeat of Unionism would eliminate the most strongly-entrenched reactionary force in these islands.

This is the time we are at the crossroads. One way or the other. All depends on mobilising British opinion, especially in the Trade Unions.

One other thing remains. It is a Third point we must demand. Any administration in the Six Counties which is prepared loyally to work a new Constitution based on democracy and non-discrimination must be given the means of doing it.

Britain must provide the funds required to begin the rehabilitation of the neglected areas west of the Bann, so that the eastern part cannot be played against the west. The money must come from the huge sums squandered an atom bombs, nuclear submarines and bases throughout the world. Or it can come by diverting some of the vast expenditure on foreign investment.

It must have no imperial strings attached, except that it should be expanded in accordance with the new Constitution and bring the West up to the level of the East.

And if there’s no other way of getting the money, then tax the millionaires and the millionaire corporations a wee bit harder. They’ll cry, but it won’t hurt them.

If this policy, or some similar policy, can be made the policy of the British Government under pressure from the people, both British and Irish, the whole trend of affairs over the past fifty years will be reversed. The solving of the economic and social problems of the Catholics will strengthen them in their political struggles, make possible a united working-class movement in the Six Counties, and inevitably, as the light follows the sunrise, they will move for a united Ireland.