The Derry Civil Rights March [5 October 1968]
[Editor’s Note: Desmond Greaves visited Derry shortly after the RUC assault on the civil rights matchers there on 5 October 1968, which brought the then Northern Ireland situation to world attention. He described his impressions in the article below in the November 1968 “Irish Democrat”. Worth noting is his warning towards the end of the piece that “The greatest danger to the anti-Unionist front is any foolish ultra-leftism which would split the unity coming into being.” He had encountered the Trotskyite Eamonn McCann during this Derry visit and was aware of the provocative tactics that he advocated, making a caustic reference to him in his Journal (see Vol.20, 11 October 1968)].
The Battle of Derry and its lessons for us
By the Editor, who visited Derry in order to bring an independent assessment to Irish Democrat readers
Just what happened in Derry? Who was responsible for the violence? What was the purpose of it? What conclusions are to be drawn? And what action taken?
This is what I thought readers of the “Irish Democrat” would want to know. This is what I went to Derry to find out, pursuing further enquiries in Dublin and Belfast.
When I reached Derry it was swarming with journalists. With others I interviewed Ivan Cooper, chairman of the Derry Civil Rights Movement; Mr Finbarr O’Doherty; his mother, Mrs Doherty; Mr Eamonn Melaugh [Mispelled “Mollough” in the original], and I spent an hour and a half in the foyer of the Labour Exchange, talking with those who came in and out, checking points in the various stories.
I compared notes with observers and speakers from Belfast and elsewhere, and with Mr Anthony Coughlan, Dublin correspondent of the “Irish Democrat”, who was nearly drowned in a blast from a water cannon while covering the demonstration for the paper.
I toured the areas where the ructions took place and noticed particularly Butcher Street, seemingly well named.
There was not a windowpane even in the third storeys of the buildings.
But far more than the scars on the buildings, what impressed me was the hopeless gloom and dejection of the Labour Exchange, with the constant stream of fine, able-bodied young people coming in and out all morning, when it was raining, standing and looking out through the door, or sitting on the one small form at the back.
If men didn’t feel revolutionary after going into that place, they wouldn’t be men at all.
HOW IT BEGAN
A number of organisations taking up social and political issues in Derry banded together to demand the civil rights without which they can never achieve the reforms they want.
They invited the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association to sponsor a demonstration in Derry.
Those finally involved included: The Dairy Housing Action Committee, the James Comedy Republican Club, Young Labour, James Connolly Society, the Northern Labour Party – these being the original five organisations to which were later added representatives of the Nationalist Party, the Trades Council and NICRA.
It was decided to assemble at the railway station and to walk to the Diamond via Simpsons Brae, Spencer Road, Abercorn Road and Bishop Street.
In the Six Counties it is necessary to notify the police of demonstrations.
This was done, and the route was clearly indicated.
No objection was raised by the police.
RUMOURS OF BAN
The talk of a rival demonstration started, not in Derry but in Belfast.
It was stated that a number of Liverpool “Apprentice Boys” were visiting Derry for an investiture into the Order, and that the two demonstrations would clash.
The Derry headquarters of the “Apprentice Boys” denied these rumours, and stated they had no desire to hinder the Civil Rights march which was on a non-sectarian basis.
But still, the rumours, now traced to Mr Craig’s office, began to include talk of a ban.
Committee members began to get worried.
On Thursday, October 3rd, two days before the march, Mr Melaugh led a deputation is the police headquarters to enquire was there any truth in the statement that the demonstration was to be banned.
He found that the District Inspector had gone to Belfast.
It was suspected that he had gone to confer with Home Minister Craig. But this was not so. He is understood to have met the Belfast committee and assured them there was no objection to the march.
But the rumours went on.
Nothing could be done till the leading members of NICRA arrived on Friday evening.
On several occasions in the last year processions have been held in contravention of these bans. All that happened was that those present had their names taken and sometimes were brought to court.
Sometimes they were acquitted, it being held the ban was unreasonable.
At Dungannon the police had blocked the road and thus prevented the procession getting into the town [This was at first Northern civil rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon on 24 August].
There was a fracas as a section tried to force their way through, but the attempt was abandoned and a meeting of protest was held.
It was agreed that the NICRA policy would be to march up to police cordons but not to try to push through. If the police refused to give way a protest meeting would be held, after which the marchers would peacefully disperse.
Far from seeking violence the policy was to avoid it by every possible means short of completely giving up the struggle for civil rights.
THE BAN COMES
Friday morning came.
It was now too late to prevent the crowds coming from Belfast, Dungannon, Coleraine and the surrounding countryside.
It was inevitable that on Saturday there would be hundreds of civil rights supporters in the city.
Then, and only then, the ban came.
Finbarr O’Doherty was handed a proclamation on Friday afternoon telling him that he proceeded with the demonstration at his peril. The other committee members got the same.
A loudspeaker car toured Derry on the Saturday morning.
It was announced that a peaceful demonstration would take place that afternoon.
The first sign of police action was that the car was stopped and the amplifying equipment confiscated.
There was no warning that the demonstration was going to be stopped by force – not the slightest hint.
The marchers assembled at the station. They were gay and relaxed.
No party banners were allowed, not even the NILP.
The Republican Movement had issued firm instructions to all his members to obey implicitly the instructions of NICRA.
There was no attempt to carry the tricolour.
The posters were about civil rights. “Smash sectarianism”, “Allocate houses fairly”, “One man one vote”, and “End Special Powers Acts”.
After the fracas Craig pretended these were sectarian slogans which they were trying to take through Protestant streets.
He said the marchers would have been met by a mob of infuriated Orangeman and somebody would have been killed.
Here are the proportions of Catholics and non-Catholics along the route of the march.
Catholics Others
Simpson’s Brae 21 16
Spencer Road 113 168
Abercorn Road 47 100
Bishop Street 127 56
The Diamond 22 9
Within Walls 322 135
There was thus no selection of “Protestant streets”.
OUTSIDERS
The parade moved off.
It was headed off from Simpson’s Brae by a cordon, but moved into Duke Street, which also leads to the bridge.
There another police cordon was drawn up.
Gradually the Derry people present realised that something unusual was happening.
Instead of the familiar faces of the Derry police force – for all the many faults of the RUC, used to living in a Catholic city – there were young, fresh, trained-to-the-touch commandoes, the newly-constituted, freshly and specially-trained riot division from Belfast.
But there were other outsiders.
While the Derry committee had been probing the rumours of the impending ban, the Labour Party conference at Blackpool was drawing to a close.
Present were the leaders of the MCF and the CDU, together with Sean Redmond and Gerry Fitt, MP for West Belfast.
Gerry Fitt explained his disquiet about the rumours, and said he was going. Would any MP’s go with him?
Three volunteered. They were: Mrs Anne Kerr (Rochester), Mr John Ryan (Uxbridge), Mr Russell Kerr (Feltham).
And now the riot division saw approaching them, not only the ordinary people they were prepared for, but along with them some of the most distinguished public figures in these islands.
For with Gerry Fitt and the other members of the Westminster Parliament, were Eddie McAteer, leader of the Nationalist Party, and Miss Elizabeth Sinclair, secretary of the Belfast Trades Council, famous for its progressive stand on all political and industrial issues.
Miss Sinclair is a Protestant born and bred. So were the British MPs. What was to be done?
BATTLE JOINED
One of the marchers called to the police to let them through. They did not deign to reply.
A group of them surged forward, and before you could say knife they hustled the MPs through the cordon. They were passed through to the rear, but secured vantage points and saw enough to finish Mr Craig’s reputation.
The Irish were not so lucky.
I have a photograph which shows Mr Gerard Fit being held by four policemen while a fifth has his baton raised in the air.
Whether from this baton or another, Mr Fitt received a blow on the head which later took him to hospital.
In the hospital he discovered that a proportion of the battered bleeding young people who were being brought in were Protestants.
Mr Eddie McAteer fared no better, though he was official leader of the opposition.
There were many evasions from Government spokesman. Now it turns out that he was the first of the marchers to be struck in the groin.
On Thursday October 17th it was finally disclosed by his medical advisers that had an injury to the scrotum. He showed rare courage in returning to the spot to witness the further degradations of the police while he must have been in severe pain.
THE MEETING
Despite the attack, the procession halted and a meeting lasting about twenty minutes was held.
Eddie McAteer, members of the Derry Committee and Elizabeth Sinclair spoke.
She was the chairman.
It was hard to give instructions to the crowd as the loudspeaker had been confiscated.
But her voice was loud enough to be heard on television and radio.
It said clearly: “The meeting is over. Now disperse.”
DISPERSE, DID SHE SAY?
A great opportunity to disperse the crowd now received [a set-back?… These possible words or something similar were accidentally omitted in the original article.]
The main cordon still stood. But groups of police commandoes had now formed in twos and threes around the street.
There now started a general melée, battering the people on the heads and the men in the groins.
People were knocked to the ground, held there and batoned brutally. No distinction was made of age or sex.
Those endeavouring to return to the station the way they had come found another cordon in their rear. Between the cordons hell was unloosed as the television cameras whirred and took the lid off the shame of Ulster.
A detailed sworn public enquiry would be needed to ascertain exactly what happened first.
The sudden appearance of the notorious water-cannon added to the confusion.
It was freely stated that the police had charged it up with the dirtiest water they could find, from the harbour where the sewers came out.
I was unable to confirm this.
Certain it is that they then roamed the town. They crossed over the bridge, went into the main part of the city, and sprayed through open windows in an orgy of destruction.
A particular target was the press. The reporter of a local paper had hell knocked out of him.
Water-cannon were turned on television cameras, the intention being no doubt to put them out of action
Police invaded the Catholic districts of the town, hustling young people, trying to be intimidatory. Naturally stones flew and in certain cases barricades were put up, and fires were lit in hopes of checking the movement of the police.
Not one single Derry policeman was involved. Even now the Derry police are saying to the people: “We didn’t do it.”
RESPONSIBILITY
It was clear that commandoes were brought in to do a job the Derry police could not have been relied upon to do.
And there is every evidence that D.I. McGimpsey was completely innocent of the whole affair. He must have been told – keep your men away.
Is it possible that he TOLD the Home Minister not to be a fool, and was told, “If you won’t do it, we will”?
What is clear is that the civil rights people were enticed step by step into a trap, and once there, were brutally assaulted.
For after all, Craig could have BLOCKED THE BRIDGE and left them in Waterside to hold the meeting.
“Have water cannon ever been seen in Derry before?” I asked.
The answer was “No, definitely not.”
“Where had they to come from?”
Belfast.
“But you did not see them arrive?
No.
“Or the commandoes?”
“No, we saw them on the Saturday.”
All of which is very remarkable. But here is another story I heard that might explain things.
While District Inspector McGimpsey was being strung along in Belfast and Derry, Craig was moving behind the scenes.
Two water-cannon wagons were moved from Belfast, not to Derry, but to See Eagle base, ten miles east of the city.
Along with them went about 500 commandoes, who were taken in covered military wagons at night.
Once in the British base, they awaited the word.
The build-up at Sea Eagle was complete by Friday.
That evening Captain Craig and a number of Unionist big-wigs were having a party at the Dunadry Inn, Co. Antrim, a comfortable but politically non-involved establishment.
If this story is true, it shows up British hypocrisy at its worst.
At the time of the Labour Party conference, Mr Callaghan was reported as telling people that he could not interfere in the Six Counties as “law and order “was a function not of the Imperial Government but of the Six-County Government.
Why then did he allow Six-County police to use an imperial base as part of their operations against the people of Derry?
A thorough probe of this is needed. And we should not be satisfied till we know exactly hour by hour the movements of those commandos and those water-cannon all week, and details of how Craig gave the order.
PLAYING WITH FIRE
That Craig was playing with fire there is no doubt.
What was its purpose?
Many commentators said he was doing an Enoch Powell, in action rather than words.
His aim was to raise the old sectarian issues and either bounce Captain O’Neill to the right or replace him in the premiership.
He wanted to add force to Captain Orr’s threats of what would happen if Mr Wilson intervened in the Six Counties.
The Rhodesian affair had convinced him that Wilson was a weakling, and he thought that just as he was going to capitulate to Ian Smith, he could be made to capitulate to Craig.
It was the gambler’s last throw.
But inside the Six Counties, instead of sparking off sectarianism, the affair sparked off anti-Unionism.
It united the forces against as never before.
And as it proved that Mr Lynch and Fina Fail were powerless to defend their fellow- countrymen in the North, it preserved proportional representation in the Republic, and left one more challenge to the gerrymanderers of the North [The Republic held a constitutional referendum on the electoral system on 16 October.]
The affair shocked the conscience of the world.
The press and television coverage was unparalleled.
“Tell England”, called one woman as the police attacked her.
England was told. And the English working-class learned what had been kept from them.
The gambler had thrown badly.
Instead of being faced with a divided opposition and an indifferent world, he had created a united opposition, as a new greatly-enlarged Civil Rights Committee was established in Derry. He had put his own party to serious strains. And the world outside had been shaken out of its indifference for the first time.
At two on Saturday morning, Craig went over to the telephone.
He enquired if everything was in order.
He seems to have been informed that it was.
“Right?” he said, “move them in.” Or words to that effect.
And they moved.
The Unionist propaganda machine was badly strained.
First “bogy man” was Mr Cathal Goulding – subsequently proved to be trying to start his car in Co. Wicklow while the whole of thing was going on.
He couldn’t have got there even if he had wanted to.
Then other “subversives” were discovered, ranging in geography from Derry to Belfast and London. Almost everybody opposed to Mr Craig was blamed for organising the parade and was used to justify its suppression. And, of course, everybody opposed to Mr Craig was there!
The British press was at first genuinely shocked.
Then the Establishment got to work. “The Times” reversed its stand in two articles on successive days. “The Guardian” started its campaign of muddling and confusion.
The IRA scares began. The propaganda that those who stand for civil rights stand for violence.
All red herrings!
The Civil Rights Movement was accused of holding the old-fashioned Blanquist theory of “propagande par le fait”. That went out with the white cockade.
The slander that was put round was that the Civil Rights people had drawn the conclusion that “one week’s rioting does more than ten years’ propaganda”.
If anybody took this stuff seriously they completely misjudged the political situation.
The reason for the fact that the mass media could no longer ignore Mr Craig’s little pogrom was precisely that the long years of propaganda by the Connolly Association, the CDU, and last but not least Mr Fitt himself, had borne fruit.
Enough people were already aware. There were four Westminster MPs present. The MCF demonstration had been called already [This was a public meeting in Trafalgar Square, London, announced by the Movement for Colonial Freedom (MCF) for 20 October]. The British Prime Minister had admitted that the British Parliament could intervene.
Under the new conditions Mr Craig’s attempt to use violence so as to restore the old conditions of mass hysteria and sectarianism mis-fired.
Instead it raised the struggle against Unionism on to a new level. It acted as a trigger. This was bound to happen. Unionism in crisis, pressed by the combined progressive forces in the Six Counties, in Britain and in the Republic, was bound to respond with something foolish.
FOLLOW IT UP
The three-pronged attack won its first political victory.
The battle is far from over. The greatest danger to the anti-Unionist front is any foolish ultra-leftism which would split the unity coming into being.
Above all we must concentrate on the task of uniting all forces. For the only hope of Unionism now is to set the anti-Unionists at variance among themselves.
Great restraint is needed. Great discipline.
One of the weaknesses has been the non-involvement of the main body of working-class opinion, organised Trade Unionism.
The time is not ripe until these also are won for the struggle.
In Britain the tasks are clear.
First, we must utilise the enlarged interest to bring an understanding of our struggle to the greatest possible numbers in the organised working-class movement and convince them of the interest of British workers in democracy in the Six Counties and a United Irish Republic.
Second, we must use the renewed self-conference of the Irish in Britain to convince them of the need to organise, in the various Irish societies that exist, but above all in the Conolly Association, the first organisation to designate the Achilles heel of Unionism – democracy.
Do not be deceived. The battle is still hard and long. But we go forward in a new phase, with fresh allies around us.
Organisation, discipline, unity, these will win the day.